All sourcing is public record. Claims are separated into what is documented about her, what is documented about her employer, and what is inference. Where that line matters it is stated explicitly, because running an inference as a fact is how this kind of memo gets a campaign in trouble.
Origin. Raised primarily in St. Petersburg. Moved to the Big Bend to attend Florida State University, where she took master's work in international affairs, studying international development, emergency management and public administration.
Career. Recruited by Chemonics International while still in graduate school, and roughly a decade there. Chemonics was the largest single implementing partner USAID had. Her stated roles are operations director and pricing expert, and she has said she led contract negotiations. Program areas she cites: HIV/AIDS and antimalarial distribution, famine monitoring design, and cybersecurity services in Ukraine after the Russian invasion.
How the job ended. WFSU reported she worked for the USAID subsidiary "until the agency experienced significant budget cuts following President Donald Trump's return to office." Her career ended with the dismantling of USAID in 2025.
Political experience. None found. No Florida state or county campaign finance record of any kind, as candidate or donor, across our 2011 to 2026 holdings. No Sunbiz officer record. No lobbying registration. This is her first campaign.
Family. Cites a military family background.
Her public platform is unusually thin, and that appears deliberate. Her campaign website carries no biography and no position pages on healthcare, immigration, guns, abortion or the economy. What it does carry:
On the trail she runs on cost of living: gas, groceries, housing, insurance. She has pushed hard on SNAP and food insecurity, calling the district's situation a food crisis. She told WFSU she has "given out my phone number to about 25,000 people."
Endorsements. Florida AFL-CIO and the Florida Education Association. Leon County Sheriff Walt McNeil. Former Congressman Allen Boyd, the last Democrat to hold this seat, who also gave $3,600, and his wife Jeannie Boyd. Alliance for American Leadership PAC, a foreign aid advocacy group. Former Congressman Al Lawson, announced 20 August, which matters because Lawson brings standing with Black voters in Gadsden and Leon, the two counties where she already ran strongest.
Digital footprint is small. Her campaign Facebook page had 785 followers on 20 August, two days after winning a congressional nomination. Against Rogers's cash position that is a compounding disadvantage, and it is worth tracking rather than assuming.
This is the strongest material in the file and it was found last, in her Bluesky archive, not on any platform page. It is verbatim, timestamped, from her own verified account, and it appears nowhere in the material she shows general-election voters.
26 January 2026: "🚨 FLORIDIANS: Congress is voting THIS WEEK on expanding DHS funding. Use your voice! Call our U.S. Senators today and demand a NO vote on any expansion of DHS funding, and a repeal of the multi-year $75 billion funding for ICE."
25 January 2026: "The big bad bill funded ICE with a record $75B through 2029. As your Congressperson, I would propose we stop terrorizing communities and pivot to spending that money on supporting the path to citizenship and working through the asylum backlog."
25 January 2026: "Any Congress person not calling for a complete overhaul of this agency after multiple murders, hundreds of citizens detained, and hundreds of asylum seekers wrongly deported is too weak to defend our democracy."
26 January 2026, her own reply beneath that post: "Tell Rick Scott and Ahsley Moody NO MORE funding murder in our streets and detention centers." The parent post carries a campaign-produced AMG graphic reading "CALL YOUR SENATORS TODAY!" over photos of both Senators, so it is not an offhand remark.
9 January 2026: "Call your representative and tell them you look forward to voting them out for condoning all of ICE's affronts to our constitution and common decency."
Why this outranks everything else here. It needs no inference, no employer, no arithmetic about budget shares. She wrote it, it is dated, and the account is hers. In a district Trump carried by 18 points, a sitting position of repealing ICE funding and redirecting $75 billion to a path to citizenship is not a nuance an opponent has to construct. It is the position.
And she does not say it to voters. Immigration appears nowhere on her Top Priorities page. Of 434 posts, only six touch immigration at all, and five of those cluster in a single fortnight in January 2026. This is a position she took in front of a national online audience and has not repeated to the district.
Be accurate about it. She would call this accountability, not abolition, and a fair reading of "complete overhaul" is reform rather than elimination. The quotes do not need help. Use them whole, with dates, and let them carry themselves. Trimming "and working through the asylum backlog" off the end of the January 25 quote would be the kind of edit that turns a real finding into a fight about our honesty.
The 29 January post begins "Didn't expect to be back online two weeks postpartum." She had a child in mid-January 2026. Nothing in this file touches that, and nothing should. It is also a reason the January cluster is tightly dated, which is worth knowing if anyone asks why the posts stop.
17 January 2026: "As someone who spent a decade working alongside USAID & managing federal programs, I've seen how waste and corruption hurts real people, our country, and even the district we call home."
She offers this as a reformer's credential. It also puts her on record that the system she spent a decade inside had waste and corruption in it, in her own framing, and it independently corroborates the decade-long tenure established below.
Topic frequency across all 434 Bluesky posts, October 2025 to August 2026. This is where her attention actually goes, as opposed to where a platform page says it goes.
| Topic | Posts | Share |
|---|---|---|
| Cost of living | 36 | 8% |
| Farmers and agriculture | 33 | 8% |
| Healthcare | 19 | 4% |
| Corruption and reform | 17 | 4% |
| Education | 12 | 3% |
| Trump / GOP / Dunn | 12 | 3% |
| SNAP and hunger | 10 | 2% |
| Veterans and seniors | 9 | 2% |
| Foreign policy / USAID | 9 | 2% |
| Immigration and ICE | 6 | 1% |
| Guns | 0 | 0% |
| Abortion | 1 | 0% |
Cost of living and agriculture are the campaign. Guns and abortion are effectively absent, which is disciplined for this district.
All seven ICE and DHS posts are archived, screenshotted and hashed. Each card carries the screenshot of the live page, the text exactly as Bluesky's own API returned it, a SHA-256 of that text so any later alteration on our side is detectable, and the immutable AT-URI and account DID. A handle can be changed or reassigned; a DID cannot. All seven were live at capture.
Watch the timezone. Bluesky renders timestamps in the reader's local zone, so the two 25 January posts display as "8:05 PM, Jan 24" in the screenshots against a UTC created_at of 25 January. Both are correct. Quote the local date visible in the screenshot, or quote UTC and say so, but never mix them in one sentence.
Re-verified 21 August: CLEARED FOR USE. All seven still live, all
seven SHA-256 hashes match the original capture byte for byte, no edits,
no deletions, engagement unchanged, and all seven Archive snapshots still
resolve with the post text in them. That hash check is the one a screenshot
cannot do: a single edited word would leave the picture looking right and the
quote wrong. Re-run predict/verify_evidence.py before any public
use; it exits non-zero and names the problem if anything has moved.
Independently archived, 20 August. All seven are now captured at the Internet Archive, timestamped by them rather than by us. Each snapshot was fetched back afterwards and confirmed to contain the post text and the handle, not merely to return an HTTP 200 — bsky.app is a single-page app, and a Wayback capture of an empty shell would have been worse than none because it would look like proof. All seven render the post, the display name, the handle and the capture banner. If she deletes them, the Archive's copy stands on its own timestamp.
Meta blocks the Internet Archive. Both platforms failed, in different ways, and neither failure is fixable from our side.
Post-level capture on either platform needs a logged-in account, which is a different decision with different rules attached. Nothing here was done with an account.
What we do have. Local screenshots of both public surfaces, plus a structured inventory of the twelve Instagram posts visible logged out. Meta's accessibility alt text is unusually informative and carries dates and the text printed inside each graphic, which is how three endorsements surfaced that appear nowhere else: Al Lawson (former U.S. Representative, 20 Aug), Gallop Franklin (Florida House, 19 Aug) and Allison Tant (Florida House, 19 Aug). All three are Tallahassee-area validators, which fits a campaign consolidating Leon and Gadsden rather than expanding west.
The limit worth stating plainly. Only twelve Instagram posts and one Facebook post are visible without an account, all from 8 to 20 August 2026. There is no historical depth on either platform, which is why neither could resolve the Argentina question. The Bluesky archive remains the only complete record of her public statements we hold.
Same pass, same verification. Rogers's site had 235 prior captures but nothing after 29 July, so the post-primary state was unpreserved until today. Home, Issues, Endorsements and Updates are now captured and content-verified, along with YouTube and the Truth Social profile.
Two things worth knowing about our own footprint. First, his Facebook
is a personal profile (austin.rogers.792), verified as a
Political Candidate, with 4.1K followers — not a campaign Page. Its Intro
self-publishes the entire DC counsel résumé: General Counsel to Rick Scott,
Senate Judiciary, Chief Counsel, judicial clerkship, Duke Law. That is the
outsider-frame problem, published by us, on the property with our largest
audience.
Second, that profile advertises personal accounts alongside the
campaign ones: Instagram arogers.fl, X arogersfl and
a LinkedIn. All three are dormant — the personal Instagram has three
followers, two following, no posts and a default avatar — so the exposure is
small today. It is worth deciding whether they should be linked from a
4.1K-follower profile at all, because a dormant account that later gets used
is a surface nobody is watching.
Her website had zero Wayback captures before today. Her Top Priorities page is where the platform actually lives, and it is the page most likely to be quietly edited during a general election. It is now captured and content-verified, as is the home page. If a position changes, the before state exists.
Files: exports/cd2/AMG_ICE_EVIDENCE.html and
.pdf, screenshots in exports/cd2/amg_evidence/, full
434-post corpus in exports/cd2/amg_bluesky_corpus.json. Social
surface in exports/cd2/amg_social_inventory.json with screenshots
in exports/cd2/amg_social/. Both candidates' archive status is
logged in exports/cd2/archive_ledger.json, with Rogers-side
screenshots in exports/cd2/rogers_archive/. Re-pull before any
public use.
Works: websites, YouTube, Bluesky, Truth Social (profile only). Refused outright (HTTP 523): X, Instagram, LinkedIn. False success: Facebook returns HTTP 200 and archives the login wall.
That last one is the trap. A Facebook "snapshot" looks like proof and contains nothing, so it must never be counted as an archive. The standing rule from this pass: fetch every snapshot back and confirm it contains the expected text. An HTTP 200 from Save Page Now proves nothing at all.
To win the Alliance for American Leadership endorsement, Green committed to "supporting congressional efforts to allocate two percent of the federal budget to diplomacy and global development programs." That is a direct quote from the endorsement announcement.
| Total federal outlays, FY2026 | $7.4 trillion CBO, Budget and Economic Outlook 2026-2036, Feb 2026. 23.3% of GDP. |
| Two percent of that | $148 billion |
| Current International Affairs budget (Function 150) | $51.3 billion State and Foreign Ops, plus international food aid via the Agriculture bill. This is the right baseline: Function 150 is exactly "diplomacy and global development." |
| Current share of the federal budget | 0.69% |
| Implied change | 2.9x, about +$97 billion a year |
An earlier draft of this memo used "$140 billion" and "roughly $50 billion" from an unchecked federal outlay total. Both are now sourced. The corrected figures make the claim slightly stronger, not weaker: $148 billion against $51.3 billion, a 2.9x increase.
Know the best answer she has before someone else makes it. FY2026 cut Function 150 by $9.8 billion, 16%, from the FY2025 level of $61.1 billion. Measured against that pre-cut baseline, two percent is 2.4x rather than 2.9x, and she can say she is restoring rather than tripling. It is more than double either way, and "she wants to more than double it" is a claim that survives her best rebuttal. Prefer it to a number she can quibble with.
One more discipline: two percent is a SHARE, so the dollar figure grows with the budget. Never present $148 billion as a fixed number in perpetuity.
Her endorser praises her for being "willing to put the issue front and center, making the case for USAID clearly and unapologetically."
Foreign aid appears nowhere on her own platform. Her Top Priorities page runs to nine sections covering costs, agriculture, healthcare, corruption, seniors and veterans, education, environment and rural development. Foreign aid is not among them, and neither is USAID.
That is the sharper version of this attack, and a more defensible one. It is not "she supports foreign aid", which invites a sympathetic answer about antimalarials. It is that she made a concrete budget commitment to an advocacy PAC to win its endorsement, and then left it off the platform she shows voters. The question is not whether foreign aid is good. It is why the only place she will name a number is in front of the people who fund it.
The Argentina quote is not hers. Killed 20 August. A third-party aggregator, localcandidates.org, carries a "Foreign Aid" position attributed to her reading "Stop bailouts for other countries!" attacking the $20 billion Argentina package. We pulled her entire Bluesky archive, 434 posts from 14 October 2025 to 20 August 2026, and searched it. Zero hits for Argentina, bailout, soybean, "$20", "20 billion" or "stop bailouts". It is not on her website either. Her actual posture runs the other way: on 21 October 2025 she attacked the administration for gutting agencies, and on 13 June 2026 she wrote that "when we undermine the agencies and programs responsible for protecting American agriculture, farmers are the ones left paying the price."
Treat the quote as fabricated or misattributed unless someone produces a primary artifact. Her Bluesky begins 14 October 2025 and the Argentina story peaked in late September, so a Facebook post could in principle predate the archive, but 434 posts across ten months with no mention of it, plus a platform page that never raises foreign aid, is enough. Had we run it, we would have been running a quote she never said.
The self-interest frame. She spent a decade being paid by the largest contractor in that system. She lost that job when the system was cut. She is now asking for a seat where she would vote on rebuilding it. Voters do not need to be told this is corrupt to find it disqualifying on priorities. The question that lands is simple: is she running to lower your grocery bill, or to restore her industry?
Chemonics has a documented compliance history with USAID's Office of Inspector General:
Read this before using it. There is no evidence that Green was involved in, aware of, or connected to any of it. The billing matter involved a terminated employee, not her. What makes the association more than incidental is that her own stated function was pricing and contract negotiation, the same domain as billing. That is a legitimate question to ask a candidate. It is not an accusation and must not be run as one. If it is run as an accusation and she was uninvolved, the story becomes our smear rather than her record, and with unaffiliated voters that trade is bad.
Recommended use: a question, not a charge. "She was the pricing expert at a company that paid $3.1 million to settle fraudulent billing claims. What did she know about how her employer billed taxpayers?"
This was the memo's gating item. Result: the tenure overlap is confirmed. The program overlap is plausible but unproven. Involvement is unestablished.
| Fact | Source | Status |
|---|---|---|
| Conduct period June 2017 to March 2020, Nigeria, Global Health Supply Chain contract. Settled 20 Dec 2024 for $3,119,582 | USAID OIG | confirmed |
| Chemonics failure was "inadequate financial controls, monitoring, and oversight, and inadequate employee training". Fraud originated with subcontractor Zenith Carex. Chemonics self-disclosed in 2020. One employee terminated, unnamed | USAID OIG | confirmed |
| She worked "more than nine years at Chemonics International" | Florida Politics, 30 Mar 2026 | confirmed |
| Employment ended when USAID was dismantled, "early last year" relative to 2026 | her own campaign bio | confirmed |
| Nine-plus years ending early 2025 puts her start at 2015 or 2016, so she was employed there for the entire June 2017 to March 2020 window | arithmetic on the two above | high confidence |
| A Tallahassee "Amanda Green", employer Chemonics, occupation Head of Operations, gave to Harris on 4 Nov 2024 | FEC Schedule A | probably her, no middle name to confirm |
| She "led the budgeting process for the USAID program responsible for addressing some of the toughest hunger and famine challenges in the world" | Sheriff McNeil, in her endorsement | confirmed quote |
| She worked on the specific contract where the fraud occurred | - | NOT established |
| Any involvement, knowledge or connection | - | NO evidence |
What the overlap actually is. Her own bio cites delivering "HIV/AIDS and antimalarials around the globe". That is the program family the Global Health Supply Chain contract covers, and it is where the fraud happened. Her endorser says she led budgeting for a USAID program. The company's cited failure was budgeting and billing oversight. She was there the whole time. None of that is proof she touched it, and Chemonics is a company of thousands with hundreds of contracts.
This clears the tenure question and nothing more. It is enough to ask the question in public. It is not enough to assert she was involved, and asserting it would be false on the current record. If a reporter asks what connects her to Nigeria or to Zenith Carex, the answer today is nothing.
To close it properly: her exact program assignments, from her LinkedIn history via a paid tool, an archived Chemonics staff page, or the full OIG case file. Until one of those lands, the Chemonics thread stays a question and stays subordinate to the policy material, which is on the record and needs no caveats.
She is not from here, and her career was not here. Raised in St. Petersburg. Career spent in the Washington contractor economy working on Ukraine, Nigeria, Afghanistan and Iraq. The district is 49 percent rural, the least urbanized in Florida. This is supporting texture for the priorities attack, not a standalone message, and it is weak alone because she did attend FSU and has lived in the region.
She won with the weakest mandate in the field. She took , which means of Democratic primary voters chose someone else. She finished only ahead of Yen Bailey, against the Rogers put up on his side.
She lost Leon County. Leon cast 60 percent of every Democratic ballot in the district and she finished second there, 28.5 percent to Bailey's 34.2 percent. 27,440 Leon Democrats picked someone else. She lost the county where she is best known, to the woman who lost this seat by 23 points in 2024.
She has no money. cash on hand against Rogers's , a gap, both reported through . She raised all cycle and spent of it winning a four-way primary. She has to rebuild from nearly zero while he starts the general funded.
An earlier version of this memo said her platform carried no positions. That was wrong. It was based on her site's landing page, which shows only three accountability planks. She has a full Top Priorities page that a first pass missed, and it is substantial: lower costs and anti-price-gouging, a Farm Bill and a seat on House Agriculture (asked for three times), "affordable healthcare that provides a basic standard of care to ALL Americans," expanding Medicare, removing the cap on Social Security contributions, restoring federal voting-rights protections, opposing partisan and racial gerrymandering, opposing offshore drilling, FEMA reform, and qualified student loan forgiveness.
Two of those are real general-election targets in this district in their own right: removing the Social Security contribution cap is a tax increase, and "a basic standard of care to ALL Americans" is a universal-coverage gesture she has not costed. Those are policy arguments, available on the record, and they do not require the Chemonics material at all.
Still absent from her own platform: guns, abortion, immigration and foreign aid. On the last two she has taken positions elsewhere, which is the point of section 3.
Be disciplined about these. Each one is a live way to waste money or to help her.
It is false and it is checkable. Her money is 76 percent Florida and 54 percent from cities inside this district. The apparent Massachusetts money in the raw FEC file is ActBlue, the conduit, not donors. If we run this and a reporter pulls the file, we lose the exchange.
Her own endorser cites polling that 72 percent of Republican voters support international assistance in principle. Attacking aid as a concept invites a sympathetic answer about antimalarials and starving children, which is the ground she has spent ten years learning to defend. The attack is scale and priority, never the concept. Triple, versus your grocery bill. Never "she wants to feed foreigners."
She has a military family background and a Ukraine record, so the patriotism fight is pre-inoculated. The Leon County Sheriff endorsed her, so soft-on-crime is closed off too.
The stock trading ban and term limits are her best material with exactly the unaffiliated voters we are targeting, and they poll extremely well. Leaving that ground uncontested is a mistake. Rogers should have his own answer on congressional stock trading rather than letting her own it, particularly given he is a former Senate general counsel and can be painted as the insider in that contrast.
The persuasion premise is no longer untested. CD2's Republicans have run +11.5 points ahead of Republican ballot share in 2022 and +13.9 in 2024, positive in all 16 counties both times, which can only have come from Democrats and unaffiliated voters. In Leon it was +7.4 and +11.0. Every measurement has Dunn as an incumbent, so plan for the low end.
🎙️ Messaging and the crossover evidence
There was a markdown version of this memo. It was deleted on 21 August after drifting twice: it still quoted $140 billion and still called her platform thin long after both were corrected here, and it never carried the ICE quotes at all — the strongest material in the file. Its content was checked line by line against this page before deletion and nothing was lost.
The lesson is structural rather than a discipline problem. This page binds its figures to the pipeline and corrects itself; a static copy cannot and will not. If you need to send this to someone, send the link, not a file. If a portable artifact is genuinely required, generate it fresh that day rather than reusing a saved one.